the New EU Pact on Migration and Asylum Sergio Carrera Abstract This Policy Insight examines the new Pact on Migration and Asylum in light of the principles and commitments enshrined in the United Nations Global Compact on Refugees (UN GCR) and the EU Treaties. 1 The European Commission’s goal is to forge a new consensus after conflicting positions between member states and among EU institutions blocked the reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) for the past four years. Martin Banks is a senior reporter at the Parliament Magazine. Despite its tough public rhetoric, the Polish government might turn out to be more flexible behind closed doors regarding the New Pact, to prevent embarrassing defeats on issues that are far more important from a domestic policy point of view, such as the rule of law. These include suggestions for dealing with asylum seekers once they arrive at the EU’s borders; plans to work with countries of origin and transit to stop people from coming in the first place; and arrangements for returning those who fail to obtain asylum. The New Pact does not change this. But the idea could backfire. Return rates are very low (in 2019, only 29 per cent of those ordered to leave the EU did so) and differ widely from country to country. Neither are right. Consequently, the Pact will result in suboptimal policy outcomes as it does not cater for the migration realities on the ground, that is, it fails to respond to the needs of those member states that are most impacted by irregular migration. Neither the Senegalese government nor the media have reacted to the publication of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Yet, this does not mean that these actors have agreed to the pact. The new package of the European Union Commission on Migration and Asylum has not been as welcomed and applauded as the Commission might have excepted. Is Czechia finally ready to show some solidarity? Will the "New Pact" become the coherent strategy on migration the EU needs? The Commission said 2.4 million migrates received residence permits in the EU last year, compared to 140,000 irregular arrivals. ": European Return Policies in Practice, Current EU migration policies' increased focus on, raises concerns on the adequacy of such measures with, A Local Turn for European Refugee Politics, Places of Safety in the Mediterranean: The EU’s Policy of Outsourcing Responsibility, International Climate, Energy & Agriculture Policy, Nairobi Office - Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Somalia/Somaliland, Cape Town Office - South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Sarajevo Office - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, North Macedonia, Prague Office - Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Belgrade Office - Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Washington, DC Office - USA, Canada, Global Dialogue, Santiago de Chile Office - Chile, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, San Salvador Office - El Salvador, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Mexico City Office - Mexico and the Caribbean, Energytransition - The Global Energiewende (EN). This is the result of months of consultations with member states and other institutions in an attempt to reconcile the different perspectives in migration management. You may not copy, reproduce, republish or circulate in any way the content from this publication except for your own personal and non-commercial use.Any other use requires the prior written permission of the Centre for European Reform. It has already taken steps to make visa policy conditional on co-operation on returns, and wants to make use of leverage from “all relevant EU policies and tools” that are of interest to partners, like development aid and trade. In this policy paper “A Local Turn for European Refugee Politics” the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung puts forward proposals for a more active role of the municipalities in refugee and asylum policy. The tragic loss of a child’s life hardly made an impression on the international media or public discourse in Greece. By Martin Banks . This sobering pact only confirms once again for many Tunisians that the EU migration policy is a one-way affair. In forthcoming negotiations, the European Parliament and some member-states are likely to insist on scrapping the mechanism altogether, in favour of a relocation mechanism; others may want to stick to returns. This publication highlights the problems and difficulties returnees face in Afghanistan, Syria, Tunisia, Senegal and Kosovo. The new solidarity mechanism is a clever negotiating tactic: by giving countries the choice between taking asylum seekers in or helping to return failed applicants to their countries, the Commission hopes to call the bluff of the governments which have so far refused to accept people and have spent years saying migrants should be sent back home. In September, the European Commission unveiled the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, a series of long-awaited measures to reform the EU migration regime. The EU’s partners fear being stuck with large numbers of foreign nationals that transited through their territory. In a crisis situation like that of 2015, governments will have to choose between accepting asylum seekers from overwhelmed member-states, or helping them with returns through the so-called return sponsorship. Copyright is held by the Centre for European Reform. The EU has long sought to step up cooperation with non-EU states on migration issues, including action against migrant smuggling. It will be difficult for the EU to persuade migrants’ countries of origin to increase co-operation on returns, as it can be unpopular for the EU’s partners and undermine governments’ domestic legitimacy. This is because, in the case of large scale arrivals from a war-torn country, most people would qualify for asylum as opposed to return; but also because accepting that some countries would only return failed asylum seekers would be a tough political sell for countries like Germany, which has insisted on the need for a European solidarity system that emphasises integration. The EU’s offers of visa liberalisation are conditional on agreeing to the readmission of third country nationals as well as a country’s own citizens. But to be effective, it should also make clear that full burden-sharing on asylum and migration is an obligation attached to Schengen membership. Even the EU’s comparatively reliable migration partners, like Turkey or Morocco, are becoming more assertive and less willing to help. obligation attached to Schengen membership, more generous political and economic offer. The Commission wants to increase co-operation by placing migration management at the heart of the EU’s relations with its partners, particularly in Africa. Unless conditions in poor countries improve drastically, their citizens will continue to seek a better future elsewhere, even under the pretext of requiring international protection. It is of vital importance that rescuees are brought to a “Place of Safety”. But migration politics continue to be toxic. 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